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Reading between the lines of the latest bin Laden statementBy Jeffrey Cozzens
Reading between the lines of bin Laden’s recent eulogy of al-Qa’ida in Iraq’s leader, Abu Mus’ab al-Zarqawi, several themes emerge that are worthy of analysis in an otherwise rote statement. Though not entirely novel, the manner in which these themes were presented—often repeated and largely conveyed through poetic verse—gives us some indication of their importance to UBL and sheds light on his current perceptions of both the situation in Iraq and the global jihad generally. These themes include: •The glorification of al-Zarqawi’s ‘heroic model’ First, the resounding theme of UBL’s eulogy was that al-Zarqawi was a “symbol and living example of our good Nation’s generation” (SITE trans.) and thus worthy of further emulation. Bin Laden’s speech was therefore far from a passive, grief-stricken tribute to al-Zarqawi: it implicitly throws down the gauntlet to prevaricating would-be jihadis who are more comfortable watching al-Jazeera and surfing jihadi web sites than emigrating to a “land of jihad,” or striking their Western nations of residence. Indeed, much of the language employed by UBL to venerate al-Zarqawi was similar to that used to glorify Abdullah Azzam— the “reviver of jihad in the twentieth century”—who continues to be revered as the ultimate motivational template for modern jihadis as his message and actions were inextricably intertwined. Like Azzam, bin Laden implies that al-Zarqawi’s love of “religion more than life,” his rejection of “oppression” and secular resistance and his eagerness to “spill his soul” in “defense of Islam” are traits that every Muslim youth should exemplify, just as al-Zarqawi himself emulated earlier “heroes.” Second, UBL attempts to (rather clumsily) defend al-Zarqawi’s legacy by arguing that his approach to warfare was just and that accusations of killing other Muslim were baseless (or that those murdered had apostatized from Islam). However, instead of merely defending al-Zarqawi, UBL is attempting to conceal the fissures within the jihadi movement, which he does very poorly here. In fact, UBL actually ends up calling attention to the very cleavages he seeks to obscure. For example, UBL glosses over an ideological disparity that apparently remained between him and al-Zarqawi until the latter’s death —a theoretical divide that likely widened in recent years owing to al-Zarqawi’s reinterpretation of Muhammad al-Maqdisi’s radical doctrine of “loyalty and renunciation.” By ignoring this historic difference, as well as al-Zarqawi’s obvious role in the deaths of scores of Sunnis and Shi’a, UBL attempts to bury al-Zarqawi’s “make it up as you go” doctrinal style and his decentralization of takfir (the accusation of apostasy from Islam, the punishment for which is death)—both strategic liabilities that also marked the demise of the GIA. Consistent with his beloved role as a mediator, bin Laden also clearly chooses to ignore well-publicized letters from Ayman al-Zawahiri and al-Zarqawi’s mentor, al-Maqdisi, both of whom viewed al-Zarqawi’s actions as detrimental to the global jihad generally, and to the establishment of an Iraqi emirate specifically.
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