Rising Female Bombers in Iraq: An Alarming Trend

By Farhana Ali

The rise of female bombers in Iraq is now garnering greater media attention. The wow-factor of Muslim women strapping on the bomb is important today because these women pose a security threat to U.S. coalition forces in Iraq as well as Iraqi civilians and security forces. This dangerous trend should not surprise us. The latest television report of this phenomenon appeared tonight on FOX News with Britt Hume's Special Report at 6pm and will air again at 10pm.

While an alarming trend, it is worth noting that the majority of Iraqi women are not suicide bombers or supporters of extremist groups. But women who do not join terrorist groups also fall victim to violence. As victims of war, women suffer from rape, kidnappings, and torture. Radical Iraqi men, similar to men in other Muslim countries, exact revenge against the women of their society. Reversing this deadly cycle will require increased security measures, greater protection for women, and an effort by Iraq and the international community to seek a peaceful settlement to the conflict. Without an end to war in Iraq, more women will either join terrorist groups or become their prey.

Why Now?

In Iraq, the trend of female suicide terrorism is unpredictable and unprecedented. Al-Qaeda in Iraq is increasing its efforts to recruit Muslim women to support its operations and its strategic goal in Iraq. The rate at which women in Iraq are chosen to detonate is alarming. Since the U.S.-led occupation of Iraq in March 2003, the rate at which women in Iraq have chosen to detonate is alarming; women now account for more than a quarter of such bombings (at least 30%). To date, at least twenty Muslim women have successfully detonated. The most recent attack occurred hours ago in Baquba, the capital city of Diyala province, where a female bomber targeted a group cooperating with U.S. coalition forces.

The exact number of female bombers and would-be martyrs is unknown to the public but is likely higher than press reports which suggest that less than ten women have tried to commit an attack. According to a report by the Iraqi Ministry of Interior, over a hundred females have been arrested for their participation in terrorist-related activities, seventy of whom have been tried by the government and are behind bars. Discussions with senior-ranking U.S. Army officials reveal the rising number of female detainees at a secure detention facility in Baghdad. According to one source, “it is unclear what drives women to violence, but we do know that women, especially mothers, would do anything to protect their sons.”

The larger question that interests security officials is: who are these women? Their invisibility makes it virtually impossible to know anything about the background of these women. According to Islam Memo, a Sunni web page that is pro-insurgency and anti-coalition, a statement issued in 2007 claimed that of 136 Iraqi female martyrs, four originated from the Arab world. The anonymous insurgent source boasted of women’s participation in battles that have occurred in al-Falluja, al-Mosul, Hadeetha, al-Qa’im, Ba’quba and other cities, as proof that women are supporting insurgents throughout Iraq.

The Bomber Behind the Veil

Naturally, it is the invisibility of female bombers in Iraq that poses a grave security concern. The anonymity of the female bomber protects her personal identity and cloaks the terror groups’ location, membership, and activities. Because she is an invisible non-state actor, a female supporter of terrorism makes it difficult for authorities to profile her. While profiles are rendered useless, an understanding of how the Iraq war impacts women’s rights, opportunities, and freedom can help the world community improve the conditions under which women live.

A bomber’s anonymity disallows researchers or security services to develop a meaningful profile of suicide terrorists. In Iraq, analysts seeking to profile the female terrorist suppress a study of the source(s) of violence, which includes men. With few patterns available, except that all bombers have worn the abaya to conceal their weapons, authorities must rely on their own unsophisticated and personalized knowledge of the Iraqi insurgency to detect and derail women from executing attacks. Using experience as a guide, security forces are clearly at a disadvantage. Lacking prior exposure to female bombers, authorities’ ability to deter women from joining terror organizations is limited by their tactical know-how of countering male insurgents—a technique that is not easily transferable when distinguishing female terrorists from among a crowd of other women dressed in black veils. A U.S. intelligence analyst told the author in 2006 women will likely play a wider role in operations in Iraq because “jihad is more akin to an insurgency and mobilizes an entire population against a clear aggressor.”17

While identifying the female bomber is difficult, it is not impossible. The secrecy of the female bomber protects her personal identity and cloaks the terror groups’ location, membership, and activities. Because she is an invisible non-state actor, a female supporter of terrorism makes it difficult for authorities to profile her. Only recently have security forces been able to suspect and stop women from detonating. On June 6, 2007, a woman dressed in the abaya who refused to respond to Iraqi police was shot at, causing the explosives underneath her dress to explode before she reached her target. A report from Aswat al-Iraq (Voices of Iraq) in January 2008 indicated that Iraqi police had intelligence information that ten female suicide bombers entered the province of Diyala.

Nevertheless, it is probably intentional that al-Qaeda and other groups choose not to record Muslim women’s involvement in suicide attacks. With no martyrdom video, will, or recorded messages, it is difficult to identify a would-be female perpetrator. Insurgents who do take credit for attacks by female bombers only refer to her as their “blessed sister.” It is also unknown if all female bombers in Iraq are local women, though there is an underlying assumption that recent suicide attacks by women are from Iraqi society, with few from the Arab world. For example, a radical Iraqi Sunni website that is anti-coalition posted a statement from an anonymous insurgent source from al-Ramadi which stated that “there were four Arab female martyrs” who took part in the battles in al-Falluja, al-Mosul, al-Ramadi, Hadeetha, Tal Afar, Al-Qa’im, Ba’quba, and other cities throughout Iraq.

Despite their invisibility, the history of al-Qaeda’s use of women suggests that women’s entrée into terrorism is facilitated by familial connections to the male terrorist. Often, women find it easier to support extremists when their husbands, sons, or brothers are part of the network. According a statement by the Iraqi Ministry of Interior, all of the female suicide bombers who have attempted an attack are relatives of male terrorists. The early March 2008 arrest of a male recruiter of female suicide bombers north of Baghdad also confirms the Ministry’s assessment. For example, press reports indicate that the male recruiter intended to use his wife and another woman to conduct suicide attacks. The familial connection is not accidental. According to a former U.S. military officer, “more women are being exposed to jihadi propaganda through the men who bring home videos to watch them. Women are also watching the same indoctrination videos.”

What is clear to terrorism analysts is that women are capable of striking the enemy, given their ability to conceal the bomb under the abaya. As noted by a former U.S. Marine officer who participated in the Falluja Battles, “If we are not allowed to look at Iraqi women, then how can we search for the bomb under the abaya?” In most cases, women donned in the conservative Muslim dress can evade detection, escape suspicion, and effectively detonate against their intended targets, posing a security risk that is novel and never-before-seen. As mysterious predators, female bombers also benefit from cultural and religious norms in Iraqi society that protect their femininity. Taking advantage of women’s rights in Islam (i.e., men must lower their gaze at a non-related woman), Iraqi women desiring to inflict damage through suicide terrorism can enter the public space with little to no scrutiny by male security forces, creating the illusion that she is another innocent civilian. It is ironic that the patriarchal values and practices that typically strips women of their rights to share the public sphere with men is able to shield would-be female bombers through a remarkably well-preserved ritual of respect for modesty and maternal sensibilities.

An Attractive Alternative

Women’s inclusion in suicide terrorism is intended to confuse the enemy and make it more difficult for Iraqi and coalition forces to identify the female bomber. Not knowing who the female bombers are in Iraq poses a number of security problems. If authorities do not know the identities of the women who have committed attacks in Iraq and elsewhere, how can they be expected to counter the relatively new threat? Unlike other women, female bombers in Iraq leave little evidence behind of their participation in terrorist activities. Seldom are there martyrdom videos, with the exception of a rare martyrdom video from 2003 that shows Wadad Jamil Jassem saying, “I have devoted myself to Jihad for the sake of God and against the American, British, and Israeli infidels and to defend the soil of our precious and dear country.”

The use of Muslim women by Sunni insurgents linked to al-Qaeda and Shia militias should come as no surprise, even though it is a relatively new tactic. Though the overall number of female bombers is low, as compared to men, male terrorists increasingly recognize that women yield an enormous tactical benefit and ensure the survival of terrorist groups. The ability to disguise their weapon is an age-old tactic, employed by secular/nationalist movements, such as the Tamil Tigers Elam of Sri Lanka. The ability to “veil” their weapon and intent affords women a greater possibility of success, particularly in a society where men are increasingly arrested or killed for their involvement in terrorist activities.

As bombers under the abaya (ankle-length Muslim dress), women are able to evade the attention of security forces, bypass authority, and therefore reach their intended targets with less suspicion and greater secrecy than men. For this reason, women in black have effectively penetrated a crowd of Iraqi police recruits, U.S. military convoys, and various checkpoints. Protected by cultural and traditional norms that disallow male security services to search, much less look at, Muslim women, it is no wonder that al-Qaeda and affiliated groups view female suicide bombers an as attractive option to weaken the present Iraqi government and drive out coalition forces.

In short, attacks by Muslim women in Iraq are an al-Qaeda innovation. The use of women in Iraq is credited to the late terrorist leader, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the first Salafi-Jihadi to recognize a woman’s operational utility. Known for his anything-goes, no-limit style (e.g., he initiated beheadings of kidnapped foreigners), it is no surprise that Zarqawi would use women—local and foreign—to strike at his perceived enemies. After Zarqawi’s death, the tactic of using female bombers has continued. Zarqawi’s cohorts and a plethora of Iraqi Sunni insurgent groups are now exploiting women more regularly to conduct attacks.

Multiple Roles

As the mothers, wives, sisters and daughters of militant men, women are instrumental to ensuring the survival of al-Qaeda and insurgent groups. For example, a pro-insurgent web page known as the Iraqi League celebrated an Iraqi woman from the city of Falluja for remaining in the city during the siege. This woman provided her home to the insurgents, baked them bread, and buried them in her own garden; for her efforts, she has been called “the mother of martyrs.” Insurgents also encourage Muslim women to support their husbands in jihad. The Islamic Army in Iraq, for example, posted an article entitled “This is How Women Should Be” to carry this message.

Other women support insurgents by offering to marry them, albeit temporarily. These women agree to marry Sunni men, accepting no dowry in exchange for a ‘temporary’ marriage. Sunni girls who choose to marry would-be insurgent fighters are seen as devout to their religion and their country—a sign that the girls’ only wish is to free Iraq from occupation.

While temporary marriages were banned during Saddam Hussein’s regime, it is a widely accepted practice in Shia culture. Known as a “muta’a” marriage, a couple is permitted to live together as husband and wife so long as they sign a contract and agree to a fixed term. This practice is used to recruit Mehdi Army fighters to encourage young men, who can not otherwise afford a heavy dowry, to join the militia. In one statement, Shia leader Muqtada al-Sadr motivated Shia girls to agree to a temporary marriage to “provide enjoyment and pleasure in their bodies and money to the fighters who are sacrificing their souls for the Imam.”

Another important support function is women’s propaganda. Articles, communiqués and online chat rooms offer women a space in which they can express their support for violent groups. For example, Zarqawi’s wife, Umm Mohammad, posted a letter in July 2006 on the Mujahideen Shura Council website, calling on Muslims everywhere to defend the honor of her husband killed by U.S. coalition forces. She appealed to Muslim men to avenge the death of her husband.

Multiple Motivations

The steady growth of women willing to participate in Iraq’s war necessitates a closer examination of women’s motivations, their opportunities to either join or volunteer for attacks, and benefits they offer to traditionally male-only terrorist groups such as al-Qaeda and Muqtadar al-Sadr’s Mahdi Army. Understanding the rationale for female violence can help authorities craft more creative counter-terrorism tools to mitigate a threat that is both malleable and unpredictable.

So few terrorism experts and government analysts understand the reasons why Muslim women join terrorist groups. More research needs to be done to understand the social context of death and traumatic bereavement; that is, why do some women cope better in conflict and war than others? Why do women turn to suicide terrorism while others do not? There are multiple answers to these questions. A powerful explanation is that male terrorist leaders are able to attract women to their cause by appealing to women’s contribution to the warfront dating back to the birth of Islam fourteen hundred years ago. Equally powerful is the argument offered by experts Dr. Jerold Post and Paul Hogan, who stress the social psychological viewpoint. They state that through the identification process, the mobilization of women into terrorist organizations represents an evolving network.

While motivations vary from one woman to the next, women are often persuaded to join by male family members or other members of their community. The appeal of terrorism to women is an ongoing area of research, but studies and interviews of women living in conflict suggests that their decision to join extremist organizations is a combination of personal, familial, organizational and societal factors. Outside influences and pressures imposed on Muslim women, such as the U.S. occupation of Iraq and rising levels of violence, also influences her decision to choose violence. It should be noted, however, that the vast majority of Iraqi women do not join terrorist groups, though may quietly support violent action to restore their basic freedoms and rights.

The history of Muslim women’s involvement in war is well-documented and researched. In different periods of conflict, women have proven to be flexible, supportive, and willing to assume new roles and responsibilities to defend their country, families, and religion. Iraqi women have a historical record of protecting their homes and honor in the absence of their husbands or male family members. In Iraq’s two previous wars, women guarded their children and communities from danger, and were forced to take up arms to ensure their own personal protection.

In the present conflict, a useful framework for examining women’s participation in Iraq’s conflict can be broadly defined under the 4 R’s:

Revenge for the loss of family members, community and/or nation
Reassurance that she is a capable and equal partner in jihad
Recruit other women to join the cause and lead by example
Respect from the larger Muslim community for her ‘sacrifice’ or martyrdom

This list is not meant to exclude other factors that could inspire women to join terrorism, nor does it suggest that these motivations apply to all women attempting suicide terrorism in Iraq. However, the framework is general enough to help analysts and security agencies identify key drivers for female suicide terrorism. In this context, a few striking observations are worth noting:

Belonging to a Collective Identity. According to the Iraqi Ministry of Interior, all of the female suicide bombers who have attempted an attack are relatives of male terrorists. Women share the feeling of victimization when they lose a male family member, particularly a son—a woman’s most precious gift in the Arab world, which inspires some Muslim mothers to seek vengeance. Because women are culturally and traditionally nurturers of the Muslim family, and by extension, the larger Islamic community in which she lives, a breakdown of a woman’s societal structure (i.e., sons, husbands, fathers, and other male relatives) increases her sense of helplessness and rage. Therefore, a disruption of the familial order results in stress; compounded with grief and a state of hopelessness, suicide becomes an alternative mode of healing for some Iraqi women. By taking part in suicide operations, scholars and psychiatrists refer to this concept as sharing a “collective identity,” which underlies terrorist behavior.

Defending Country and Creed. Seen as part of a larger community, extremist men are calling on women to support their activities in the name of Islam and their country. The Abu al-Boukhari Islamic Network indicates that because Islam is under attack form the Crusaders, women have an obligation to defend their faith. Therefore, the restriction imposed on women to stay in their homes is lifted in jihad. A rare martyrdom video from 2003 shows Wadad Jamil Jassem saying, “I have devoted myself to Jihad for the sake of God and against the American, British, and Israeli infidels and to defend the soil of our precious and dear country.” Other chat rooms, such as Muntadiyat al-Muqawama (The Resistance Forums) is dedicated to women only, with postings of female bombers, prisoners, and mothers who support their sons’ wish to commit suicide operations.

Leading by Example. A woman who stages a successful attack is able to convince other women to take up the mantle of jihad. The first reported suicide attack by a woman in April 2003 at a check point in al-Soowayra City was followed by another suicide bomber against an American convoy in Hadeetha City. Soon thereafter, a third attack followed when a female suicide bomber near al-Mishahda village between Salah al-Deen and Baghdad drove a car packed with explosives between two U.S. vehicles. Last year, alone, at least four attacks occurred within six months, suggesting that women’s success rate drives other women to consider similar operations.

Fighting Back

So long as the Iraq war continues, more women will be affected by factors such as psychological stress, grief, humiliation, and rage, making them vulnerable to recruitment by terrorist groups. As the war in Iraq continues, women are subjected to all forms of violence. Since July 2007, women have suffered through torture, rape, kidnappings, and some have had their bodies thrown in the streets, especially in the city of Basra. According to the city’s police Chief Abdul Jalil Khalaf, at least 50 bodies of Iraqi women have been found in different parts of the city. The number is a modest figure. A report released by the Basra Security Committee in late December 2007 indicates that 133 women were killed in the city, 79 of whom were killed by extremists for “violating Islamic teachings,” and 47 died as a result of honor killings. Efforts to reduce the levels of violence against women originate with women’s groups, such as the Iraqi Women’s League. The organization launched a nationwide campaign to mobilize public opinion and pressure authorities to stop heinous acts committed against women.

However, steps taken by local groups are not enough. Only with the help of law enforcement, intelligence agencies, and governing authorities, such as community leaders and religious figures, can women’s rights and honor be protected from insurgents and Shia militias. Two initiatives are of particular significance:

Improve security environment. Guarding women’s safety and freedom of mobility requires legitimate police and intelligence services capable of reducing the threat that insurgents pose to women and to the society at large. Women can play a role in security by being trained as police officers, security guards, and intelligence assets. Employing more women to patrol the streets will give women confidence and send a message to male-dominated insurgent groups that women, too, are protectorates of society.

Increase outreach and involve women in peace. Encouraging women to actively resist the insurgency through peaceful protest and community outreach can help women rebuild civil society. Studies have shown that women’s inclusion in nation-building empowers them for effective participation in governance and motivates other women to take an interest in promoting democratic change. Giving women a chance at peace means granting them positions of power so they have a stake at promoting peace. More women in positions of influence and authority can help victims of violence fight back.

In short, women’s participation in rebuilding Iraq can help bring normalcy. Providing women alternative choices to violence, as well as helping victims of terrorism stop violence, can have a nurturing and healing effect on women. Employing different forms of engagement with women will likely strengthen their participation in the political and civil spheres of society—the key to protecting the future mothers, wives, sisters and daughters of Iraq from joining or falling prey to extremist ideologies.

Farhana Ali is a Muslim-American woman who has been monitoring violent groups and their ideologies for nearly a decade. She is currently a Policy Analyst at the RAND Corporation, a U.S.-based think tank. She can be reached at farhana.ali1@gmail.com

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